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\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eTucked away at the side of the wardroom in the \u003cem\u003eJS Kaga\u003c/em\u003e, the biggest warship in the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF), is a replica scale model of its namesake, the Imperial Japanese Navy aircraft carrier \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eThe scale model harkens back to the JMSDF’s connection to its wartime predecessor, but the similarities end there. The Second World War-era \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e offered an offensive strike capability, carrying a complement of torpedo bombers and fighters. It gained notoriety for Imperial Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor and the 1942 Battle of Midway. The JS \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e, on the other hand, epitomises Japan’s drive to be a proactive contributor to regional peace and stability.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eI have visited many naval ships in my career, ranging from smaller patrol boats to nuclear-powered \u003cem\u003eNimitz\u003c/em\u003e-class aircraft carriers. On the JS \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e, one is struck by the immaculate condition of the ship. Its entire crew is deployed daily to scrub toilets, mop and buff floors, and even smear brass door fittings to fend off seawater corrosion. The cleanliness of the JS \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e is as much a demonstration of the ship’s professionalism as an expression of Japan’s desire to make a clean break from its wartime past.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eGrowing offensive capability?\u003c/h4\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eThe flat-top deck of the JS \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e has defensive weapons: the \u003cem\u003ePhalanx\u003c/em\u003e and \u003cem\u003eSeaRAM\u003c/em\u003e close-in weapon systems act as a multi-layered defence against aerial and seaborne threats; its flight squadron carries four SH-60K anti-submarine helicopters and one SH-60J. The JS \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e and its sister ship, the JS \u003cem\u003eIzumo\u003c/em\u003e, are tasked with three missions: command and control; to offer a platform for helicopter deployments; and to serve as a headquarters for humanitarian and disaster-relief missions.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eThere have been numerous \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003ca href=\u0022https://thediplomat.com/2018/05/study-japans-largest-warship-can-support-f-35b/\u0022\u003ereports\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e that Japan is considering \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003ca href=\u0022https://www.reuters.com/article/us-japan-defence-carrier/japan-considers-refitting-helicopter-carrier-for-stealth-fighters-government-sources-idUSKBN1EK0CF\u0022\u003erefitting\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e its \u003cem\u003eIzumo\u003c/em\u003e-class helicopter destroyers to carry US Marines F-35B fighter jets, in order to counter threats from China’s maritime expansion, as well as North Korea’s nuclear and missile development.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eIf carried out, this will give the Japanese Navy a serious offensive strike capability. During a recent tour and briefing, JMSDF officers dodged the question. Instead, they were more keen to stress that the JS \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e, via its two-month deployment to the Indo-Pacific, is a symbol of Japan’s contribution to regional security.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eDuring the deployment, the JS \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e carried out joint exercises with five Indo-Pacific navies: India, Indonesia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Singapore. Of these, the most high-end exercises were conducted with the \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003ca href=\u0022https://navaltoday.com/2018/10/08/jmsdf-helicopter-carrier-js-kaga-in-india-for-joint-asw-drill/\u0022\u003e\u003cspan\u003eIndian Navy\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e. This involved anti-submarine warfare, live firing, cross-deck helicopter operations and anti-air threat scenarios.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eJS \u003cem\u003eKaga\u003c/em\u003e officers said that it is quite likely that the Japanese Navy would continue such deployments in the future. In 2017, the JS \u003cem\u003eIzumo\u003c/em\u003e carried out a months-long deployment to the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. It \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003ca href=\u0022https://thediplomat.com/2018/07/japan-to-dispatch-izumo-class-carrier-to-south-china-sea-indian-ocean/\u0022\u003ejoined\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e US and Indian naval vessels in the \u003cem\u003eMalabar\u003c/em\u003e series of exercises, which had an anti-submarine warfare component.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eGiven the febrile nature of security in the Indo-Pacific, the JMSDF’s continued deployments to the region are encouraging. Australian scholar \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003ca href=\u0022https://www.blackincbooks.com.au/books/four-flashpoints\u0022\u003eBrendan Taylor\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e put expressed this succinctly when he wrote that the Indo-Pacific is in the throes of a ‘crisis slide’, whereby the cumulative pressure of multiple tension areas – disputes in the South China and East China seas, the Taiwan Strait and North Korea – is pushing the region closer to conflict.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAt a time when Beijing’s military build-up in the South China Sea is undermining the regional order, the Trump administration seems more preoccupied with managing its rivalry with China and containing North Korea’s nuclear-weapons programme.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch4\u003eForging ahead with regional partnerships\u003c/h4\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAmid the uncertainty and instability, Japan has been faithfully plugging away at shoring up the regional order. It has sought to build up the defence capabilities of countries such as Cambodia, Vietnam and Thailand, in areas such as underwater medicine, international maritime law, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. It has sold or transferred coast guard vessels to the Philippines and Vietnam – two countries that are being challenged by their disputes with Beijing in the South China Sea.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eUnder its Ship Rider Cooperation Program, Japan has sought to foster \u003cem\u003ekizuna\u003c/em\u003e, or comradeship, by hosting a younger generation of naval officers on board its ships. Tokyo has also participated faithfully in ministerial fora such as the IISS Shangri-La Dialogue and the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eWith Trump’s withdrawal from the 12-nation Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), Japan pushed ahead with the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for TPP and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, which involves the 10 ASEAN countries, Japan, China and another four Indo-Pacific countries.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eAnd while much attention has been focused on China’s Belt and Road Initiative, Japan has mobilised more than US$100 billion for an infrastructure-building \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003ca href=\u0022https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/oda/page18_000076.html\u0022\u003eproject\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e called the Partnership for Quality Infrastructure. In the infrastructure stakes, Japan is still \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003ca href=\u0022https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-02-08/japan-still-beating-china-in-southeast-asia-infrastructure-race\u0022\u003eahead\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e of China, with investments since the 2000s totalling US$230bn, against China’s US$155bn.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eHowever, this is not to say that modern Japan is whiter than white. Recently, it \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e\u003ca href=\u0022https://thediplomat.com/2018/10/facing-rising-sun-flag-row-japan-withdraws-from-international-fleet-review/\u0022\u003ewithdrew\u003c/a\u003e\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan\u003e from an international fleet review hosted by South Korea because Seoul had requested the rising-sun flag – seen as a symbol of Japan’s imperialistic past – not be hoisted. And against all logic, Japan has refused to acknowledge that a dispute with China exists over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp\u003e\u003cspan\u003eThat said, Japan remains a force for stability in the Indo-Pacific, at a time when the region faces various security challenges. The key for Japan, and the other three countries behind the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific strategy’ – Australia, India and the US – is to foster a regional order based on the rule of law, freedom of navigation and open markets. Put differently, Japan needs to continue to foster the spirit of \u003cem\u003ekizuna \u003c/em\u003eat a time of increased geopolitical stress.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","className":"richtext reading--content font-secondary"}), document.getElementById("react_H2wHf5FwUkqOS1ddURkqCw"))});
\u003cp\u003eAt a time when the Asia-Pacific region faces various security challenges, Japan has been faithfully plugging away at shoring up the regional order. William Choong explains how Tokyo is seeking to move on from its wartime past to become a proactive contributor to regional peace and stability.\u003c/p\u003e
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