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\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eWhen the first tranche of cooperative European Union defence programmes w\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eas\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e launched in 2017, Brussels could\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003en\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eo\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003et easily be accused of being overly ambitious. The \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e17 \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003efirst\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e-\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eround projects under the EU’s Permanent \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eStructured\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e Cooperation (PESCO) banner were comparatively modest in scope and technology.\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eThis is no longer the case; the latest round of programmes include\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003es\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e focused capabilities at the core of European \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003esecurity \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ethat will stretch defence ministries and industry. \u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3 class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eTWISTER\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eThis is perhaps exemplified by the TWISTER programme\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e intended to develop a surface-to-air missile \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e(SAM) \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003esystem capable of intercepting not only short\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e-\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e and intermediate\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e-\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003erange ballistic missiles, but also hypersonic glide vehicles and high-speed cruise missiles. The project brings together five EU \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ecountries\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e under French leadership, with European guided-weapons manufacturer\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e MBDA\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e the industry lead. \u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eThe contrived acronym stands for Timely Warning and Interception with Space-based TheatER surveillance\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e, underscoring\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e the importance of satellite sensors in the early detection and tracking of the intended target set. The goal is to introduce the system into service by 2030. The need for a high-speed interceptor could also see ramjet-sustainer propulsion considered\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e along with solid-propellant motors. Given the broad nature of the target set foreseen for TWISTER\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e it is possible that more than one missile design is developed.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eAlongside France, Finland, Italy, \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ethe \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eNetherlands and Spain are the partner \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003estates\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e in TWISTER\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e, while t\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ehree of the five \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ecountries\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e involved in MBDA\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e –\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e France, Italy and Spain \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e– \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eare represented in \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ethe programme\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e. Germany and the UK, however\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eare not partners. T\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ehe British did not join the PESCO initiative when it \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ewas\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e under\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eway in 2017\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e, a decision that was\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003elikely, in part, due to the\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e result of \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ethe UK’s \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003efraught decision to leave the EU following \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ethe 2016\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ereferendum \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003evote.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eLondon and Berlin are grappling with the challenge of ballistic\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e-\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e and cruise\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e-\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003emissile defence. Germany has a long-running \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003erequirement \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003efor a medium-\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eto\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003elong\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e-range\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e SAM system, while the UK is \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003elooking again at \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eits assessment of needs as a result of the changing threat. \u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eGiven the comparative importance of the UK’s military in term\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003es\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e of \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eoverall \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eEuropean capabilities, and its defence-industrial heft, trying to negotiate a route for Britain to remain engaged through the like\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003es\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e of PESCO is a goal for \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eboth \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eLondon and Brussels. \u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003ch3 class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eThird-party p\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003earticipation in PESCO\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/h3\u003e\n\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eThe mechanism for third-party participation in PESCO projects has yet to be agreed, which would most likely be how London could take part. \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eTh\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ee third-party approach was \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eoriginally intended to have been drawn up by the end of 2018\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e;\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e however\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e as of early December 2019\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e, this has\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e yet to be finali\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003es\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eed. The U\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003enited States\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e has been critical of PESCO in that Washington considered it to be anti-competitive.\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e Some of the conditions reported as being considered as part of a third-party agreement would, at face value, appear to hold little attraction for non-EU participants. One of the conditions is intended to avoid any dependency on a third state, which raises intellectual-property and security concerns that could act as a disincentive.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eA further measure of whether PESCO is increasingly fit for purpose, alongside its greater ambition, will be the 2020 review of projects already under\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eway. As of November\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e2019\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e 47 projects were being pursued under the PESCO banner.\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ePractical and realistic decision\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e-\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003emaking could, and arguably should, \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eend some\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e programmes. If this is not the case then there is the risk that\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e at best\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e the impact of PESCO investment is unnecessarily diluted and\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e at worst\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e,\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e that it undermines completely the credibility of the effort. \u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp class=\u0022Body\u0022 style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003ePESCO is intended to better develop \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eEU\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e member states\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e’\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e defence\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e-\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eindustrial base by supporting collaborative research and development to meet the needs of their respective armed forces.\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e \u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003eThis is also aimed at providing EU member states with improved military capabilities to support the wider defence goals of the Union.\u003c/span\u003e\u003cspan style=\u0022color: windowtext;\u0022\u003e But, while this may be welcomed by many beyond the EU states themselves, the practical hurdles remain considerable and some of the industrial arguments between allies continue to get in the way. Furthermore, were the budget for the European Defence Fund (EDF) to be cut significantly, as was being considered in early December 2019, this could seriously curtail PESCO ambitions. The EDF is an EU funding mechanism to support the development of Brussels’ defence capability, and can be used to supplement national funding for PESCO projects.\u003c/span\u003e\u003c/p\u003e\n\u003cp style=\u0022text-align: left;\u0022\u003e\u003cstrong\u003eThis analysis originally featured on the IISS Military Balance+, the online database that provides indispensable information and analysis for users in government, the armed forces, the private sector, academia, the media and more. Customise, view, compare and download data instantly, anywhere, anytime. The Military Balance+ includes data on defence procurements worldwide.\u003c/strong\u003e\u003c/p\u003e","className":"richtext reading--content font-secondary"}), document.getElementById("react_zZHR8XUkjk8knEB7tcBQ"))});
The 47 projects now pursued under the European Union\u0026rsquo;s Permanent Structured Cooperation banner are no longer modest in scope and technology and could stretch defence ministries and industry. But the practical hurdles remain considerable, write Jordan Hardwidge and Douglas Barrie.
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