| 来源类型 | Report |
| 规范类型 | 报告 |
| Another shade of Brown: Hispanics and choice in public education | |
| Gerard Robinson; Elizabeth English Smith | |
| 发表日期 | 2016-08-23 |
| 出版年 | 2016 |
| 语种 | 英语 |
| 摘要 | Key Points The Hispanic community’s battle for educational freedom started well before thedecision of 1954 through a series of court cases that helped lay the foundation of our modern public school choice movement. Beginning in the 1990s, charter schools proved to be a popular public choice model for Hispanic families. Today, charter schools are approximately 30 percent Hispanic and educate a larger percentage of Hispanic students than traditional public schools. Recent data, including a 2015 study, indicate that Hispanic students are making gains in charter schools. With the Hispanic student population continuing to grow—and because 84 percent of Hispanic parents support allowing parents to choose what public school they send their child to—charter schools will likely remain a popular option for Hispanic parents in the future. The atmosphere surrounding American education in 2016, the year Brown v. Board of Education turns 62, highlights our nation’s legal victory over state-sponsored school segregation. Without question, the Brown decision draws our attention time and time again to the civil rights era’s moral victory of right over might. Today, opportunity for all American students has never been greater. We first and foremost have the courageous black families involved with Brown to thank for that. But the Hispanic community also deserves recognition for paving the way to Brown. Their contribution laid the early foundation of our modern public school choice movement. Yet today’s policy conversations often overlook just how significant that foundation was in providing all American children true educational freedom. The Hispanic community’s battle for educational freedom started well before the Brown decision of 1954. As early as January 1931, Mexican parents in Lemon Grove, California, refused to let 75 of their children be segregated from white students and placed in a wooden school building called “La Caballeriza”—the barn. For weeks, parents and students boycotted the school, hoping the school board would reverse its decision. The board refused to budge, pushing the parents to file a lawsuit. On March 11, 1931, San Diego Superior Court Judge Claude Chambers ruled in favor of the Mexican families, stating: I understand that you can separate a few children; to improve their education they need special instruction. But to separate all the Mexicans in one group can only be done by infringing the laws of the state of California.[1] The school board reinstated the students. This was an important step to ending race-based segregation in American schools. In the 1940s, California public schools separated Chinese, Japanese, and Native American students from white students based in part on the “separate but equal” doctrine in the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision. Race relations in California were complex because the census classified Mexicans as white. Therefore, some Hispanic students were entitled to enroll in white public schools while others were allowed to attend only schools designated for Hispanic students. In fact, more than three-fourths of Mexican children were enrolled in schools without white students.[2] Once again, Hispanic parents refused to allow their children to face segregation from public schools. When Gonzolo Méndez’s children were denied admission to an Orange County public school in 1943, he and other Mexican parents filed the first federal lawsuit in the US that challenged segregation in a primary public school. In the 1946 Méndez v. Westminster decision, a federal judge supported Hispanic parents’ claim that school segregation policies violated the Fourteenth Amendment. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the decision a year later.[3] The momentum for educational choice from the Hispanic community continued. While the Méndez case was before the Ninth Circuit, NAACP attorneys Thurgood Marshall and Robert Carter filed an amicus brief in favor of the Hispanic families requesting that the court abolish the “separate but equal” policy for good.[4] Although the lower court refused to do so, a unanimous US Supreme Court abolished the policy in Brown seven years later. Finally, the end of “separate but equal” was the law of the land. Still, the fight did not end there. Unfortunately, state policymakers’ reaction to Brown during the 1950s slowed the desegregation movement to a snail’s pace. One example was the Southern Manifesto, a document signed in Congress by 101 lawmakers with the hopes of thwarting school integration in states across the South. In the 1960s, federal courts helped resurrect the spirit of Brown from the ashes of intolerance, expanding public school choice for thousands of Hispanic schoolchildren through diverse models of education. In the 1970s, choice for Hispanics included busing and magnet programs to integrate public school students. During the 1980s, intra- and inter-district choice became another popular model for Hispanic families. By the 1990s, charter schools became a popular public choice model because they offered Hispanic parents access to theme-based schools that could better meet their students’ needs, ranging from English language learner programs to college-prep curricula. Today, 43 states and the District of Columbia have public charter school laws serving 2.9 million students in more than 6,700 schools.[5] Charters are a popular option for Hispanic families across the country: in a recent survey, 84 percent of Hispanic parents said they are in favor or strongly in favor of allowing parents to choose what public school they send their child to, regardless of address.[6] In 2004, Hispanic students made up 21 percent of all students enrolled in charter schools. Today, charter schools are approximately 30 percent Hispanic.[7] More importantly, charter schools now educate a larger percentage of Hispanic students than traditional public schools.[8] Recent data also make clear that Hispanic students are excelling in charters. A 2015 study conducted by researchers at Stanford University’s Center for Research on Education Outcomes (CREDO) found that urban charter schools lead to learning growth equivalent to almost 22 extra days of schooling in math and 6 days of schooling in reading for Hispanic students. Additionally, the study found that these numbers rose to 48 extra days in math and 25 extra days in reading for Hispanic students living in poverty.[9] Individual charter schools primarily serving Hispanic students have received recognition in recent years as well. For example, the IDEA Charter Schools in Texas won the Broad Prize for Public Charter Schools in 2016.[10] Camino Nuevo Charter Academy in Los Angeles won an award from the White House Initiative on Excellence for Hispanics in 2015.[11] In Chicago, students in the UNO Charter School Network have a 90 percent four-year graduation rate, compared to 70 percent for Chicago public high school students.[12] Thankfully for Hispanic families and students, it does not look like charters are going away anytime soon. Hispanic student enrollment in charter schools continues to grow. And recent estimates indicate that by 2022, American public schools will be only 45.3 percent white and 54.7 percent “minority”—with Hispanic students comprising the majority of that 54.7 percent.[13] If Hispanic families’ demand for charters grows along with the growth in the Hispanic student population, we may see the supply of charters increase as well. And although a charter school is only one of several public choice models available to Hispanic parents in 2016, it is a model that advances the spirit of 1954. In this season when the fate of choice in public education is hotly debated in school boards, state houses, and federal elections, let us acknowledge the long-fought battle Hispanic parents have waged to ensure their children have access to quality educational options, and let us honor the role school choice models have played in advancing their fight. Notes |
| 主题 | K-12 Schooling |
| 标签 | brown v. board of education ; Charter schools ; civil rights act ; hispanics ; K-12 education ; school |
| URL | https://www.aei.org/research-products/report/another-shade-of-brown-hispanics-and-choice-in-public-education/ |
| 来源智库 | American Enterprise Institute (United States) |
| 资源类型 | 智库出版物 |
| 条目标识符 | http://119.78.100.153/handle/2XGU8XDN/206284 |
| 推荐引用方式 GB/T 7714 | Gerard Robinson,Elizabeth English Smith. Another shade of Brown: Hispanics and choice in public education. 2016. |
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| 文件名称/大小 | 资源类型 | 版本类型 | 开放类型 | 使用许可 | ||
| Another-Shade-of-Bro（1092KB） | 智库出版物 | 限制开放 | CC BY-NC-SA | 浏览 | ||
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