G2TT
来源类型Paper
规范类型工作论文
The Rise of Nontraditional Islam in the Urals
Alexey Malashenko; Alexey Starostin
发表日期2015-09-30
出版年2015
语种英语
概述As Islam expands in the Ural Federal District, religious and political life there is evolving. Much of this expansion is due to the arrival of Muslim migrants from Central Asia and the Caucasus, and some migrants bring with them religious radicalism—a challenge that requires a more effective official response.
摘要

There have been significant changes in the composition and distribution of Russia’s Muslim community during the era of President Vladimir Putin. In particular, as Islam expands in the Ural Federal District, religious and political life there is evolving. Much of this expansion is due to the arrival of Muslim migrants from Central Asia and the Caucasus, and some migrants bring with them religious radicalism—a challenge that requires a more effective official response.

Key Themes

  • Islam is expanding across the Russian Federation, particularly on the territory of the Ural Federal District, whose hydrocarbon-rich areas provide more than one-third of Russia’s federal budget revenues.
     
  • The ethnic composition of the Ural region is changing as a result of an influx of migrants from Central Asia and the Caucasus, occasionally causing tensions between migrants and locals.
     
  • Most migrants in the Urals are Muslims. Some of them belong to radical Islamist organizations.
     
  • A number of Muslims from the Ural Federal District have participated in terrorist acts in Central Asia and the Caucasus or have gone to fight for the self-proclaimed Islamic State in the Middle East.

Next Steps for Russia

Focus on education. Youth educational programs that involve Muslim intellectuals and scholars can help counteract the growth of religious radicalism. Similarly, increased levels of professionalism and education among traditional Muslim clergy in Russia would enable imams in the Urals to challenge radical narratives and address the concerns of their congregations.

Organize on-the-job training programs for the clergy, including public speaking classes. The Russian Federal Migration Service should more actively involve the clergy in working with newly arrived Muslim migrants. Imams and muftis should be encouraged to play a more active role in integrating migrants into local society, to help decrease ethnic and religious tensions.

Introduce more Muslim-oriented programs and materials through public media outlets, including television, radio, and periodicals. The public should be informed of charitable work in the Muslim community, Islamic cultural events, the opening of new mosques, and opportunities for interfaith dialogue.

Adopt stricter migration regulations to stem the poorly controlled influx of migrants. Russian law enforcement organizations should enhance cooperation with their Central Asian counterparts to prevent known Islamic extremists from entering Russia. The northern areas of the Tyumen region, which hold the bulk of Russia’s hydrocarbons and provide more than one-third of federal budget revenues, should be designated as a closed territory to reduce the growth of internal and external migration. This would help reduce interethnic tensions, which continue to increase in the northern Urals.

Introduction

Russia’s Muslim community at the start of the twenty-first century is characterized by expanding migration, a changing ethnic composition, and an increasing number of followers of what can be called nontraditional Islam. Most politicians and experts associate this strand of the religion—which includes political Islam and approaches that were brought to Russia in the 1990s from the Arab world, as well as Salafism—with religious radicalism.

Alexey Malashenko
Malashenko is a former chair of the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Religion, Society, and Security Program.
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The number of Muslims living in Russia cannot be determined exactly. Russia keeps no official records of its citizens’ religious preferences, as it is officially a secular country. As a rule, when experts refer to a certain Russian citizen as a Muslim, they extrapolate this information mainly from the person’s ethnicity. While such an extrapolation may be valid when it comes to the ethnic groups of the North Caucasus, where Islam predominates, other ethnicities display greater religious diversity. For instance, Russia’s Turkic minorities—mainly the Tatars and Bashkirs—subscribe to a number of religious beliefs within a given ethnic group: some of them adhere to Tengrism, a pre-Islamic pagan cult, while others hold atheist beliefs. This paper, however, treats ethnic and religious identifications as interchangeable. This assumption puts Russia’s number of Muslim citizens at around 16 million.1

In addition, Russia is home to 5 million Muslim migrants from Central Asia and the South Caucasus.2 Yet this figure is just an approximation: even Russia’s Federal Migration Service lacks precise data on the number of these migrants because most of them reside in Russia illegally. Due to the Russian economic crisis that began in 2014, the number of migrants who entered the country in January 2015 was down by 70 percent relative to the same month in 2014, according to Federal Migration Service data.3 It is hard to say, however, how long the number of migrants in Russia will continue to decline. In February 2015, the head of the migration service, Konstantin Romodanovsky, said that “the economic situation for foreign migrants is actually not that bad.” 4

This paper focuses on Muslims in the Ural Federal District, which is composed of six entities: Kurgan, Sverdlovsk, Chelyabinsk, and Tyumen Oblasts, as well as Khanty-Mansi Autonomous District—Yugra (KMAD) and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous District (YNAD).

The Ural region has exceptional economic importance for the Russian Federation. The Ural Federal District is economically unique in the Russian Federation, as it is where most of Russia’s hydrocarbons are extracted. Tax transfers from KMAD and YNAD account for one-third of the Russian federal budget. YNAD is Russia’s number-one gas-producing region and is home to Yamal, Russia’s main gas platform.5 Yamal’s total initial gas resources are in excess of 5,191 trillion cubic feet.6 And this economic status brings with it a sociopolitical dimension—the level of social and political stability in the Ural Federal District has a significant effect on the situation in the entire country.

The spread of radical Islam in the Urals has not yet reached critical proportions, but radical sentiments among some members of local Muslim communities are on the rise. Joint efforts between government officials and religious leaders in particular would help combat this increasing extremism.

Demographics and Religion

As a rule, research on Russia’s Muslim communities and on Islam’s place in Russian society has focused on the North Caucasus and Tatarstan. The Muslim periphery—that is, the rest of Russia—has not generated much interest from scholars or policymakers. In the context of Islam, the territories to the east of the Urals have remained terra incognita.

However, the Urals are no longer a Muslim periphery, as data on the number of mosques and other Muslim places of worship suggest. In 2015, there were 267 mosques in the Ural Federal District (see table 1).

Russia’s minority Tatar and Bashkir ethnic groups make up the overwhelming majority of Muslims in the Ural Federal District. These groups mostly adhere to Hanafi, one of the four theological and legal schools of thought in Sunni Islam, and their Islamic practices are combined with pagan elements. Sufism as dominated by the Naqshbandi spiritual order is another strain of Islam that is practiced among the inhabitants of the Ural region and includes local ethnocultural traditions; here it is referred to as “traditional” Islam.7

In the past, Islam was not politicized, and most local Muslims were completely indifferent to the religion’s radical elements. Until recently, Islam had a minimal impact on the political situation in the Urals and Western Siberia.

However, Islam’s image in the Asian part of Russia, including the Urals, has been rapidly changing due to migration. Data from Russia’s 1989, 2002, and 2010 censuses reveal that while Tatars and Bashkirs comprised the majority of local Muslims before the Soviet collapse, their numbers significantly decreased in the 1990s and 2000s (see table 2). The number of Tatars and Bashkirs living in the Ural Federal District fell by 9 percent from 919,660 to 834,115 between the years of 1989 and 2010. The only exceptions were YNAD and KMAD, where there was a 10 percent increase in the number of Tatars and Bashkirs, and the south of Tyumen Oblast. In all other parts of the Ural Federal District, the absolute numbers for these two ethnic groups declined because of natural attrition, assimilation, or a change in ethnic identity.

Nevertheless, the total number of Muslims in the region and the Muslim share in the general population remained practically unchanged due to an increase in the number of migrants from outside the Ural Federal District—mostly from Central Asia, Azerbaijan, and the North Caucasus.

Today, the cities of Novy Urengoy, Gubkinsky, and Noyabrsk in YNAD as well as Nizhnevartovsk, Raduzhny, Nefteyugansk, Megion, and Surgut in KMAD remain hotbeds of the Salafist movement in the Ural Federal District.8 Indeed, Salafist communities exist in practically every city in KMAD, including its capital, Khanty-Mansiysk. In total, several thousand radicals make the Ural Federal District their residence.9

Salafists and Rising Social Tensions

These changes in the Ural Federal District’s ethnic composition have led to ethnic and social tensions between the recently arrived Muslim migrants and longtime residents. The Center for Research on National Conflicts and the Regions Club studied the level of ethnic tension in Russian regions from September 2013 to March 2014, paying particular attention to three of the Ural Federal District’s six regions. The study found that changes in ethnic composition have led to shifts in religious outlooks. Nontraditional Islam is especially noticeable in Tyumen Oblast, and especially in KMAD and YNAD.10 According to the research, nontraditional Islam, with its greater radicalism and emphasis on political activism, drives away traditional Islam in KMAD, for example.

Salafism is a main strand of nontraditional Islam. To a degree, its presence in the Urals is a product of the evolution of traditional Islamic ideals. Salafism is a reaction to the limitations of traditional Islam, specifically to its inability to respond to pressing practical and political issues.

But Muslim migration has also facilitated Salafism’s rise. Followers of the Salafist movement, which appeals to some Tatar youth, arrived in the Urals (and the rest of Russian Asia) along with migrants from Central Asia and the North Caucasus. Central A ian migrants outnumber other worshippers in many mosques in the Ural cities, while rural mosques remain monoethnic—that is, Tatar or Bashkir. Of all the Muslim clergy in Sverdlovsk Oblast, 4 percent now come from the Caucasus, while 2 percent are from Central Asia. In KMAD, the proportion of Muslim clergy from the Caucasus and Central Asia is 10 percent, and in YNAD the figures for Central Asian and Caucasian clergy are 10 and 15 percent, respectively.11 Khaydar Khafizov, a mufti at YNAD’s Regional Muslim Spiritual Directorate, concludes that “the era of Tatar Islam and Tatar imams is gone.” 12

The total number of Salafists living in KMAD is estimated at 2,000 to 3,000.13 Their ranks include members of various ethnic groups: natives of the Russian republics of Chechnya, Ingushetia, Karachay-Cherkessia, Dagestan, and Tatarstan; individuals from Tajikistan and Uzbekistan; and Russian and Ukrainian converts.

Salafist imams work in officially registered administrative bodies that deal with the spiritual life of the Muslim community. Salafist religious infrastructure runs parallel to that of official Islam, and Salafists run a number of well-concealed unofficial prayer rooms.14

Many of these imams were educated in the Middle East, particularly in Saudi Arabia. Armed with a deep knowledge of Arabic and of religious matters including the Quran, sunna, and theological treatises, they come out ahead in debates with the region’s traditional religious leaders, who adhere to the Hanafi school of thought. Most traditional imams lack the education and knowledge needed to meet their congregants’ demand for religious instruction and are unable to provide practical guidance on ritual observance. Only one out of ten traditional imams, who make up 9 percent of all imams in the Urals, have secondary or higher religious education.15

The Urals also do not have Islamic educational institutions, despite a ten-year-old discussion on the need to create such institutions in the Ural Federal District. To receive an Islamic education, imams have to travel to cities in the Volga Federal District—Kazan or Ufa. The only way to receive a state-recognized bachelor’s degree in theology without leaving the city of Yekaterinburg in Sverdlovsk Oblast is by enrolling in a program at the Department of Theology at the Ural State Mining University, which has been training Islamic theologians since 2011.16

The former head of the Department of Religion at the Tyumen Oblast Ethnic Affairs Committee, Igor Bobrov, noted that Tyumen Oblast’s former mufti, Galimzhan Bikmullin, has been “actively involving Central Asian natives, especially Uzbeks, in the process of reviving Islam” since the 1990s. The same official pointed out that most Uzbeks and Tajiks who were involved in the construction of mosques and in teaching at Tyumen Oblast’s prestigious Yembayev madrassa in the 1990s and early 2000s had received private training from Islamic authorities and were previously members of Uzbek and Tajik radical factions.

The Tatar clergy resent being pushed out by the migrants. They claim that these strangers, as they put it, encourage and disseminate radical norms and practices that are alien to traditional Islam.

There is some evidence that some Salafists in the region use violence to further their ideals. There have been secret Salafist groups in the region since the late 1990s, when militants from the North Caucasus used it as their recreational base to rest, heal their wartime wounds, and obtain legal status by changing their names and passports.17 Widows of militants killed in counterterrorist operations visited YNAD and KMAD.

Classes at the Yembayev madrassa were suspended in 2000 after a former student was arrested in Kyrgyzstan for an attempted assault on a Kyrgyz border patrol. It was discovered that before enrolling in the Muslim school, he had received combat training at an Islamist boot camp in Tajikistan.18

From 2003 to 2006, the imam of the Matmasy Township mosque in Tyumen Oblast, Maksud Kadyrshayev (commonly known as Sheikh Maksud), urged predominantly Central Asian and North Caucasian worshippers at his mosque to wage jihad.19

A Plethora of Salafist Communities

Just as in the rest of Russia, competition among pro-regime Muslim self-governing bodies has a negative impact on the situation in the Ural Federal District’s Muslim community. These bodies struggle for the government’s patronage, control over local communities, and financial resources. The central conflict is between two groups: the Ufa-based Central Muslim Spiritual Directorate, which has been headed by Talgat Tadzhuddin since Soviet times; and the Spiritual Directorate of Muslims in the Asian Part of Russia, led by the co-chair of Russia’s Mufti Council, Nafigulla Ashirov.

The Central Muslim Spiritual Directorate controls 166 of the Ural Federal District’s approximately 400 local Muslim communities and commands more influence there than the Spiritual Directorate of Muslims in the Asian Part of Russia does. That is thanks in no small part to the Central Muslim Spiritual Directorate’s close ties with local authorities.

The Spiritual Directorate of Muslims in the Asian Part of Russia controls 46 local religious organizations and over 40 religious groups.20 However, a number of communities under this directorate cooperate with certain radical groups and individuals persecuted by the federal authorities. Ashirov is known for his statements in support of the Taliban as well as his contacts with Islamic leaders overseas.21

In addition, several independent Muslim spiritual directorates operate in the Urals. While not part of either of the two main spiritual directorates mentioned above, they are nevertheless affiliated with one of them. The number of centralized religious organizations varies from region to region. For instance, practically all KMAD Islamic communities are part of the Central Muslim Spiritual Directorate; Kurgan Oblast has two regional muftiates; Tyumen Oblast has three; and Sverdlovsk Oblast boasts as many as six.

A few communities fall under the jurisdiction of the federal-level Spiritual Directorate of Muslims of the Russian Federation. However, this directorate has failed to gain more influence in the Urals.

Radical Influences and Internal Clashes in Salafism

A number of these communities have espoused radical views, at times bringing them into conflict with adherents of traditional Islam. Over the course of a decade, organizations like Nur Islam and the communities around the Rahmat and Pokachi mosques have raised an entire generation of Muslims who are critical of the structure of the Russian state. Adherents of these groups try to live in strict accordance with sharia law and criticize those who choose to live differently or adopt a secular way of life. Hundreds of people of very different ethnic backgrounds aged twenty to forty—Tatars, Bashkirs, Russians, Ukrainians, North Caucasians, and Central Asian natives—have been brought up in the traditions of moderate Salafism, a nonradical and nonextremist strand of the movement.

Nur Islam

The Nur Islam organization, founded in the city of Novy Urengoy in 1996, was part of the Spiritual Directorate of Muslims in the Asian Part of Russia. The group ran a mosque, also called Nur Islam, that attracted 600 congregants from 25 ethnic communities. Security services declared Nur Islam and the Noyabrsk-based Iman faction to be radical Muslim organizations.

The imam of the Nur Islam mosque, an ethnic Uzbek named Isomitdin Akbarov, had connections to the Wahhabi faction of the Islamic Party of Turkestan, an Islamic militant organization that operates in Central Asia.22 Akbarov and his deputy, I. S. Nurmatov, were wanted by the Uzbek authorities, and an international warrant was issued for their arrest. Both men disseminated Wahhabi philosophy at lectures in the mosque. Akbarov was killed in 2010, and his son, Muhammad Akbarov, who received his religious education in Saudi Arabia, took charge of the community in the fall of 2010.

The community was later chaired by an ethnic Ukrainian, Dmitri Chernomorchenko, known under his adopted name of Khamzat. He became widely known as a blogger critical of the Russian regime and was forced to move to Turkey after being pressured by the authorities in Russia. He continues his dissident activities online from Turkey.

Another congregant of the Nur Islam mosque and the head of a Bashkir militant group, Nafis Shaymukhametov, was responsible for killing police officers in the Suksunsky District of the Perm Krai and for attempting to blow up a pipeline in the town of Birsk.

The leadership of the Nur Islam mosque has always denied having ties to terrorist groups. Congregants claim that sermons at the mosque have never contained any extremist rhetoric. At the same time, Nur Islam’s official website, entitled Christianity and Islam, urges the adherents of other religions to convert to Islam.23 After the community was featured in several television programs, it became well-known in Russia and across the globe. A Saudi sheikh described the mosque and the community in detail in his book.24

In 2010, the Russian police and Federal Security Service conducted a search of the Nur Islam mosque’s premises, detaining 70 congregants present there at the time. Most of the detainees were subsequently released.25 A failed attempt to disband the community was made in 2011. The Nur Islam mosque was ultimately closed down in 2014, and the community ceased to exist as a legal entity. Some of the congregants became members of the newly built cathedral mosque, which belongs to the pro-regime Central Muslim Spiritual Directorate.26

The Rahmat Mosque

In Sverdlovsk Oblast, the Salafist movement reportedly held sway over Yekaterinburg’s Rahmat mosque, headed by Amir Muzaffarov, Muhammad Rustam Gabdrakhimov, and Amir Yakupov. Muzaffarov was educated at Mecca’s Dar al-Hadeeth madrassa, one of the world’s most prestigious Salafist educational institutions. On his return to Yekaterinburg, he taught Arabic and the foundations of Islam at the Rahmat mosque, becoming its imam in 2005. His Internet sermons were circulated across Russia and other former Soviet countries. Gabdrakhimov also received his education in Saudi Arabia. Yakupov was trained in Egypt and subsequently hosted a program on regional television from 2007 to 2009.

The mosque’s leaders frequently spoke about the negative influence of secular culture on Muslims and of the Russian state’s repressive policies toward Muslims. They did not directly advocate extremism, but they also refrained from condemning terrorist attacks. When the authorities asked the mosque leaders to denounce the December 2013 terrorist attacks in Volgograd, the leaders flatly refused to do so.

Anecdotal evidence suggests that the Rahmat mosque had a lasting ideological effect on Muslims in Sverdlovsk Oblast and the entire Ural Federal District. Russian Muslims started associating Yekaterinburg with that mosque. Sverdlovsk’s Kazyyat Muslim Directorate, which is under the jurisdiction of the Spiritual Directorate of Muslims in the Asian Part of Russia, used the mosque to train rural imams. As a result, prayers are recited according to the Salafist tradition in a number of villages in Sverdlovsk Oblast; elderly worshippers believe that this is the only way to pray.

In addition, Ibn Taymiyyah, a medieval theologian whose views became the basis for today’s Islamist ideology, and other Salafist authors became popular among Sverdlovsk Oblast’s imams. Thanks to the spread of information technologies, the speeches made by leaders of the Rahmat mosque became readily available to Muslims in other parts of the Ural Federal District. The production of videos stopped in 2010, but public speeches, as well as activities on the Internet and social networks, continued. The mosque’s popularity was so great that its Friday sermons attracted worshippers living 100–200 miles away. Its prayer hall was always full on Fridays.

In the course of searches conducted at the Rahmat mosque between 2010 and 2014, the authorities reportedly discovered extremist literature.27 The mosque had been consistently pressured by the local administration, which terminated its lease in 2014. The Rahmat community was forced to vacate the premises it was leasing. The deputy mayor of Yekaterinburg, Sergey Tushin, explained to journalists:

Rahmat’s leadership changed. People that adhere to the more extreme forms of Islam, some of whom received their religious education in Saudi Arabia, took over. As a result, a center that disseminates radicalism appeared in Yekaterinburg. According to law enforcement officials, only over the recent period, 50 administrative and four criminal cases were filed in connection with distributing extremist literature. Other violations run the whole gamut: illegal possession of weapons, illegal vending, and migration and labor law infractions. Thus, we have made a conscious decision [to terminate the lease], although initially we thought of keeping the mosque in that building.28

The Pokachi Mosque

In the 2000s, Dagestani Salafists assumed tacit control of a mosque in the city of Pokachi in the Ural Federal District. The local imam, an ethnic Tatar named Ilshat Yakhin, shared their views and delivered his sermons accordingly.

Alarmed by the situation, the KMAD mufti enlisted the help of the authorities to replace the local imam with the traditionalist Rustam Rakhmatullin. After that, the Salafists started threatening Rakhmatullin and members of his family.

Two congregations formed within the mosque. Following the Friday sermons that Rakhmatullin delivered for the adherents of Hanafi, former imams of the mosque delivered their own sermons for the Salafists. In the spring of 2013, the Salafists removed all the literature from the mosque, and later they set Rakhmatullin’s garage on fire. Only in the aftermath of these incidents, in early 2014, did the police detain 20 Salafist congregants.29

Other Incidents

This conflict between Salafists and an officially appointed imam is not the only illustration of such tensions. In January 2013, an Azerbaijani native who subscribed to Salafist views approached an imam’s assistant in a Nefteyugansk mosque after the midday prayer and physically assaulted him with the words, “You pray wrong.” 30

The Salafist communities are making a serious effort to protect themselves at various levels: with the aid of law enforcement officials, members of parliament, or community organizers. Salafist connections in local administrations and businesses contribute to the success of these efforts. These connections allow the Salafists to persecute their ideological adversaries, including the students of the Sufi Sheikh Said Afandi al-Chirkawi, who was killed in a terrorist attack in 2012. These predominantly North Caucasian students are trying to prevent the Salafists from taking control of northern mosques. Such a conflict took place in 2011 in Raduzhny in KMAD.

This clash is symptomatic of a broader, serious conflict in a region far removed from the Caucasus: the conflict between Salafists and Dagestani-born traditionalists. With the agreement of the Yugra mufti, Tagir Samatov, the spiritual directorate of Dagestan’s Muslims has been sending delegations of Quran readers and preachers to the north for several years to take part in the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday celebration, in an effort to stem the Salafist influence.31

Salafists’ Financing, Recruitment, and Combat Operations

The activities of some Salafists are made possible by their constant contacts with the administrations of certain territories and by their criminal connections, which help finance their work. The Salafists were reportedly financed by Sultan Dukhayev, also known by the alias “Beard,” a Chechen criminal leader who was arrested in Yekaterinburg in 2013.32

Salafists also actively proselytize in the region and are encouraging ex-convicts to join their ranks. According to one source who preferred to remain anonymous, former criminals “provide [Salafists] with means of support, resettle them in local communities, or simply provide them with housing... Support, money, work—this is a recipe for turning out new [Salafists].” 33 The autonomous districts in the Urals house a large number of prisons, thus creating fertile ground for Salafist propaganda. As an illustration, in 2013, security services observed an increase in the number of ethnic Russians who converted to Islam in the Lokosovo federal penitentiary in KMAD. Apparently, the number increased after the individuals charged with setting Tatarstan’s Orthodox churches ablaze in the fall of 2013 were transferred to the Lokosovo penal colony. The penal colony has a working mosque and provides religious literature, some of which is extremist in nature. Through the sermons they gave in the mosque, imprisoned Salafists convinced their cellmates to convert to Islam.

Migrants are another convenient target for Salafists’ recruitment efforts. Anecdotal evidence suggests that Tajik migrants come to the region without particular religious convictions and are concerned mostly with making a living; however, they often leave the region as Salafists. Salafist preachers take advantage of vulnerable individuals who are looking for sympathy and support while living in harsh conditions.

In December 2013, Radio Liberty’s Uzbek service published an interview with Kyrgyz native Akhmadzhan Khashimov, who lived in the city of Surgut. He succumbed to the influence of an Uzbek preacher, underwent military training in Islamist camps in Russia and Kyrgyzstan, and joined the ranks of the Syrian opposition.34 The story, reprinted by many media outlets, has had an enormous impact on local residents in the Urals. In a further illustration of the influence of Salafism, Dagestani Salafists in the Urals sometimes marry Russian women, who convert to Islam at their husbands’ request and embrace their radical ideas.

Young people of different ethnic backgrounds find Salafists’ calls for change from the outside world, as well as their internationalism, appealing. Russian has become the primary language of communication and consolidation for the Salafists.

A number of Ural cities are now becoming centers of propaganda for Muslims whose goal is to recruit new volunteers into the self-styled Islamic State.35

In 2007, a recent convert originally from KMAD, who had served a five-year sentence for terrorist activity in Afghanistan, was detained while crossing the Afghan border in a hijab. After converting to Islam in his home city, Nizhnevartovsk, he went on to study Islam in Iran and Pakistan; he attempted to return to KMAD after his failed attempt to relocate to Afghanistan.36 In 2009, other residents of Nizhnevartovsk, who had been recruited in a mosque in KMAD, were killed during a counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus.37

And regional security services reported in November 2014 that 50 people from the south of Tyumen Oblast alone had left for the Middle East to participate in the armed struggle le

主题Religion, Society, and Security ; Russian Ideology
URLhttps://carnegie.ru/2015/09/30/rise-of-nontraditional-islam-in-urals-pub-61461
来源智库Carnegie Moscow Center (Russia)
资源类型智库出版物
条目标识符http://119.78.100.153/handle/2XGU8XDN/428088
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Alexey Malashenko,Alexey Starostin. The Rise of Nontraditional Islam in the Urals. 2015.
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