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Five years ago, the Center for American Progress wrote about the growing force that women of color voters bring to the U.S. electorate.¹ Each year since, women of color have constituted a greater and greater share of eligible voters. Today, they are emerging as a potential electoral powerhouse—and they fully deserve elected officials’ attention and respect.

Since 2000, the citizen voting-age population (CVAP) of women of color has increased by 59 percent—a gain of more than 13.5 million potential votes.² By contrast, the CVAP³ of non-Hispanic white women voters increased by just 8 percent during the same time span—an additional 6 million potential votes. In 2018, turnout among women of color voters also surged more than 15 percentage points compared with that of the previous midterm elections in 2014. Women of color also played a central role in engaging with and mobilizing others to participate.⁴ These factors suggest that women of color voters will play a critical role in upcoming elections.

Women of color, with their distinct histories, experiences, and collective power, are not monolithic. They have distinct interracial and intraracial perspectives that lawmakers must recognize and respect. For example, these voters generally consider issues related to health care, the economy and jobs, immigration, public safety, and discrimination to be important national priorities. They also believe that the government has a vital role to play in addressing many of these issues. But their specific views on these issues are nuanced and often vary by race, ethnicity, age, income, and other demographic factors. Understanding and appreciating all of these distinctions is critical for the development of policy proposals that address the unique concerns facing women of color voters across the United States.

This report utilizes new data to update previous findings and further elevate the electoral power and policy perspectives of women of color across the country. The U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey supplied data for fresh estimates on these voters’ increasing share of the CVAP. The 2018 Voting and Registration Supplement to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey provided key insights relating to electoral participation. The landmark 2018 AP VoteCast survey, which polled, among other people, 21,000 registered women of color voters, revealed unique views on a variety of prominent policy issues.

Divided into three main components, this report first describes current demographic trends for women of color in the electorate and the future implications of their participation rates and voting eligibility. Next, it summarizes these voters’ responses to important political and policy questions, including the economy and jobs, health care, immigration, public safety, and discrimination. Finally, it offers policy recommendations on actions needed to ensure that women of color can participate fully in future elections without barriers and to elevate and address the concerns of women of color voters today.

Where possible, this report also seeks to highlight the ongoing work of leaders in the field, including but not limited to Black Women’s Roundtable; Intersections of Our Lives (a collaborative of the National Asian Pacific American Women’s Forum, In Our Own Voice: National Black Women’s Reproductive Justice Agenda, and National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health); AAPI Data; the AAPI Civic Engagement Fund; the Groundswell Fund; and Asian Pacific Islander American Vote.

Women play a critical role in American democracy. Across the country, their participation has determined the outcomes of federal, state, and local elections. Women of color are becoming a larger force among these voters. They now represent almost one-third of citizen voting-age (CVA) women, an increase of 10 percentage points from 2000 to 2017. In other words, there are 13.6 million more CVA women of color than there were in 2000, compared with 6 million additional CVA non-Hispanic white women.

Much of this increase in women of color is due to the rapid rise in the number of Latina, Asian American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and multiracial women voters combined with the steady growth of Black and American Indian or Alaska Native women voters. Women of color, increasingly, are shaping the composition of the female electorate and their overall priorities. But as the share of women voters has grown and taken on added importance, so have efforts to dilute and suppress their impact. Voter suppression tactics—from strict voter ID laws to discriminatory voter purges, limitations on voting hours, reductions in voting locations, and language barriers—are increasingly used to discourage and undermine women of color voters’ participation and potential influence on election outcomes. Thus, as these voters’ share of the electorate continues to rise, it is critical to accelerate efforts to protect their ability to participate in the political process.

Examining recent trends in voting eligibility and participation among women of color voters provides valuable insights. While it is clear that these voters are well on their way to becoming a significant powerhouse in determining overall election outcomes, it is also clear that activating and turning out these voters will require targeted efforts that energize them and address their interests.

Black women’s voter eligibility and participation rates

Between 2000 and 2017, the CVAP of Black women increased by 31 percent.⁵ Today, at least 15 million Black women are voting-age U.S. citizens—approximately 3.5 million more than in 2000. (see Methodology Figure A3)

Black women are one of the most active voting blocs in the U.S. electorate. (see Methodology Figure A1) But in 2016, just 66 percent of eligible Black women cast their ballots on Election Day—down from 74 percent in 2012 and 75 percent in 2008.⁶ However, this recent decline may be short-lived. Black women’s turnout in 2018 surged 16 percentage points from that of previous midterm elections, from 41 percent to 57 percent. A recent analysis from Groundswell and the AAPI Civic Engagement Fund found that women of color fueled the massive increase in turnout nationwide by mobilizing friends and family and engaging voters beyond the ballot box.⁷ If 2008 or 2012 turnout levels were replicated in 2020, Black women would cast at least 1 million more ballots than they did in 2016, reaching a total of roughly 11 million votes.

Latinas’ voter eligibility and participation rates

Latinas are the second-largest and second-fastest-growing population of women of color voters in the United States. Since 2000, the CVAP of Latinas increased by at least 89 percent—from 7.1 million voters to 13.6 million voters.⁸ Today, Latinas’ largest share of the female CVAP is in New Mexico and Texas, where they constitute 42 percent and 29 percent, respectively. If present trends continue, they may soon constitute the largest group of CVA women of color in the country.⁹ (see Methodology Figure A4)

Despite Latinas’ surge in eligibility, they—like many other women of color—face large and persistent barriers to participation. While all voters of color endure rampant suppression, these tactics frequently target Latina and other Latinx voters.¹⁰ These factors, combined with insufficient outreach efforts, limit eligible Latinas’ full electoral participation. For three decades, a nearly 20-percentage-point turnout gap has existed between Latinx and white Americans.¹¹

The 2018 midterms may have marked a turning point for Latinas’ political participation. Thanks, in part, to the long-standing leadership of important groups such as Voto Latino, NALEO Educational Fund, and Mi Familia Vota Education Fund, Latina voter turnout surged by 17 points compared with that of the 2014 midterms.¹² (see Methodology Figure A1) If these and other organizations succeed in eliminating racial disparities in participation, Latinas could comprise one of the most powerful voting blocs in the country. For example, had Latinas turned out at the same rates as their non-Hispanic white counterparts in 2016, it would have resulted in an estimated 2.7 million additional ballots being cast for president for the United States.¹³

Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander women’s voter eligibility and participation rates

Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander (AANHPI) women are the fastest-growing and perhaps the most diverse racial demographic of women voters in the United States. These voters have roots in dozens of different countries and possess multitudes of cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds.¹⁴

Between 2000 and 2017, the CVAP of AANHPI women grew at a faster rate than any other racial group. During this period, the CVAP of AANHPI women increased by 97 percent, from approximately 2.6 million to more than 5 million people.¹⁵ The surge is particularly evident in certain states. AANHPI women’s share of the female CVAP increased the most in Nevada (4 percentage points) and California (4 percentage points). (see Methodology Figure A5) Today, AANHPI women hold their largest share of the female CVAP in Nevada (9 percent), California (14 percent), and Hawaii (48 percent).

Structural barriers to participation have long depressed turnout among AANHPI women voters. In 2016, just 2.4 million AANHPI women cast their ballots for president of the United States. Had they turned out at the same rates as their non-Hispanic white counterparts, approximately 3.4 million AANHPI women would have voted.¹⁶ In other words, voter suppression and insufficient engagement may have prevented more than 1 million AANHPI women from making their voices heard on Election Day. However, similar to other groups, AANHPI women voted at far higher rates in 2018 than in previous midterm elections. (see Methodology Figure A1) The recent surge in eligibility and turnout should remind lawmakers that AANHPI women are a growing power in the U.S. electorate whose views and priorities deserve attention and respect.

American Indian and Alaska Native women’s voter eligibility and participation rates

American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) women voters are perhaps the most politically neglected electoral demographic in the country. Between 2000 and 2017, the CVAP of AI/AN women grew by 29 percent.¹⁷ Today, approximately 800,000 AI/AN women are eligible to vote in U.S. elections. These voters constitute a considerable portion of the female CVAP in certain states. For instance, approximately 9 percent and 14 percent, respectively, of CVA women in New Mexico and Alaska are AI/AN women. Yet these voters are often neglected in political campaigns and targeted for voter suppression. Perhaps as a result, turnout among these voters continues to lag behind their counterparts of other racial and ethnic backgrounds. (see Methodology Figure A1) Like other groups, AI/AN women turned out to vote at higher rates in 2018 than in 2014. Yet this group experienced a smaller surge than other groups. American democracy suffers when its citizens are unable to fully participate in the electoral process. These data demonstrate the necessity of prioritizing AI/AN women in political outreach and engagement.

Women of color hold a variety of views on important policy questions relating to the economy and jobs, health care, immigration, public safety, and discrimination. The following section attempts to shed light on these perspectives by elevating research from organizations that seek to empower women of color and presenting findings from a new CAP analysis. This section is not restricted to a specific subset of voters with a particular political ideology. Instead, it incorporates the views of women of color as a whole, including those who identify as conservative, moderate, or liberal, and explores how views may vary by education, income, geography, and other factors.

Black women’s electoral power and policy perspectives

Black women are a key and dominant force driving the increasing electoral power of women of color. They are among the largest and most consistently engaged demographic groups in American politics. Between 2000 and 2017, the CVAP of Black women increased by 31 percent.²² Today, at least 15 million Black women can cast their ballots in United States elections. Despite targeted voter suppression and systematic disenfranchisement, Black women continue to register and vote at some of the highest rates in the country. Yet few analyses of voter preferences have focused specifically on Black women. While there are exceptions, such as the annual Power of the Sister Vote Survey and landmark Intersections of Our Lives survey, far more research is necessary to fully appreciate these voters’ diverse perspectives. The following analysis attempts to shed new light on Black women voters’ electoral power, political behavior, and unique policy views.

Black women voters are dissatisfied with the status quo of governance in Washington. Ahead of the 2018 midterms, 79 percent disapproved of the way Congress was handling its job.²³ Moreover, 74 percent of these voters, and 89 percent of those with college degrees, want government to do more to solve problems.²⁴ But Black women also want elected officials to understand that political and policy differences exist within the Black community.²⁵ A new CAP analysis of data from the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research, which surveyed 8,500 Black women of all political leanings, along with existing research helps to illustrate some of these concerns.

Health care and related issues

While Black women are far from single-issue voters, health care stands out as a key priority for this powerful voting bloc.²⁶ According to CAP analysis, ahead of the 2018 midterms, more than 1 in 4 of these voters (29 percent)—and 47 percent of those over the age of 65—considered health care more important than any other issue facing the country.²⁷ (see Methodology Figure A2)

Black women see government as playing a critical role in expanding access to affordable health care. An overwhelming 80 percent of these voters believe the federal government should be responsible for ensuring all Americans have coverage.²⁸ Furthermore, 62 percent of Black women consider it extremely important for the 116th Congress to guarantee that people with preexisting conditions can still access health insurance.²⁹

Black women are also strong supporters of the landmark Affordable Care Act (ACA), with approximately three-quarters saying that they want to preserve or expand it.³⁰ With such strong views on this issue, it is unsurprising that Black women are highly critical of the Trump administration’s record on health care. A survey taken ahead of the 2018 midterms revealed that more than 4 out of every 5 of Black women voters (84 percent) disapproved of the way President Trump was handling health care.³¹

Black women are also strong supporters of women’s reproductive health and rights. Two-thirds of these voters believe that abortion should be legal in all or most cases. Black women who consider health care the top national issue, have college degrees, or have an annual household income of more than $100,000 are especially likely to support a woman’s right to choose. More than three-quarters of these voters (76 percent, 77 percent, and 80 percent, respectively) believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases.

Furthermore, Black women are deeply concerned with the public health crisis of opioid addiction. More than three-quarters of these voters (78 percent) are somewhat or very concerned about the use of opioids such as prescription pain medications and drugs such as heroin and fentanyl in their community. Older Black women are especially worried about the opioid epidemic. In fact, 87 percent of those over the age of 50 are concerned about opioid use in their communities, compared with less than three-quarters of Black women under the age of 30.

The economy and jobs

Black women consider the economy and jobs increasingly important, with surveys demonstrating that 65 percent of Black women consider congressional action to create well-paying jobs a national priority.³² A large majority of Black women also recognize the dangers of an economy that overwhelmingly favors the wealthy over middle-class or low-income Americans. More than 4 in 5 Black women, including 90 percent of those with college degrees, believe the economic system favors the wealthy too much.³³ At the same time, two-thirds of Black women believe that the economic system does not favor the middle class enough, and 88 percent hold this belief with regards to low-income Americans. Interestingly, Black women’s sincere concern for how the economic system disadvantages low-income people does not vary significantly by educational level, income, or geography.

A majority of Black women recognize that the economy is not working for everyone. Black women without college degrees and those with an annual household income of less than $50,000 are especially likely to have this perspective. Almost three-quarters of these women (73 percent and 74 percent, respectively) believe that the national economy is in a “not so good” or “poor” condition.

Black women also largely believe that the Trump administration’s policies contribute to the unsatisfactory state of the U.S. economy. Ahead of the 2018 midterms, 77 percent of Black women disapproved of the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, which provided a $1.5 trillion tax cut to big corporations and the wealthy. Furthermore, 64 percent of these voters predicted that the Trump administration’s trade policies would hurt the economy in their area, and almost three-quarters believed those policies would hurt the national economy. Approximately 83 percent of Black women voters disapproved of President Trump’s handling of international trade, and 80 percent disapproved of his handling of the economy in general.

Immigration and related issues

In the past year, multiple surveys have revealed that Black women are strong defenders of the civil and human rights of immigrants. Almost three-quarters of Black women voters (74 percent)—and 84 percent of those with college degrees or an annual household income of more than $100,000—believe immigrants make the United States a better place.³⁴ Furthermore, CAP analysis of data collected ahead of the 2018 midterms reveals that 85 percent of Black women voters want undocumented immigrants to have a pathway to legal status.³⁵ A 2019 survey asked women of color whether they considered it extremely, very, somewhat, or not at all important for Congress to provide a pathway to citizenship and visas to reunite immigrant families. More than 1 in 3 Black respondents considered these policies extremely important.³⁶ Given these views, it is perhaps unsurprising that more than 4 in 5 Black women disapprove of President Trump’s handling of border security and immigration policy (87 percent and 82 percent, respectively).³⁷

Public safety

The epidemic of gun violence in the United States remains one of the top national issues for Black women. Today, more than one-third of Black women consider gun violence among the top three issues threatening their families and the broader Black community today.³⁸

Black women are among the biggest champions of strong gun violence prevention measures. More than